Lessons from India’s Farmers Movement
A leading organizer reflects on the strategic successes of the movement.
This article originally appeared in the Punjabi Marxist magazine Surkh Leeh. Translated by Dr. Anju Bala.
Image: Japan Times/Bloomberg
At last the historic farmer's agitation against the farm laws has resulted in victory. The movement, which lasted for almost a year and a half, went through many twists and turns, ups and downs, achieved a major victory by getting the laws repealed in the Indian Parliament. In light of the Modi government’s attitude towards the farmers and their issues, which was already evident before but was becoming increasingly apparent day by day, farmers continue to raise their voices about the remaining demands of the agitation.
With the repealing of the farm laws, the big corporate invasion of the agricultural sector has been halted for now. This is an invaluable achievement of the collective struggle of the farmers and workers, realized with the supportive spirit of the farmers’ unity of the entire nation. With these laws, corporations were planning to plunder the farmer’s crops, which in turn would have further strapped them into debt and also increased the likelihoods of forfeiture of land. The purpose of this attack was to destroy the state marketing system, or mandis, as well as to allow imperialist multi-national corporations to interfere in the marketing of crops at their free will. The farmers realized the nature of this attack and started a potentially life endangering protest which began in Punjab and later extended to Haryana, Uttar Pradesh (U.P.), and several other states. The year-long agitation at the outskirts of Delhi became a symbol of farmers’ determination, patience, and perseverance. The ongoing farmer’s mobilization in the states and the pressure exerted by the Delhi Morchas (fronts) left the Modi government with no choice but to repeal the laws in Parliament. The President had to authenticate the amendment. This is a serious defeat of the Modi government and a glorious victory for the nation’s farmers. At the same time, it is important to note that the onslaught of imperialist corporate aggression in the field of agriculture has only been temporarily halted as the government still intends to bring it back.
When the repeal of farm laws was announced, the Prime Minister apologized to the corporations for not enforcing the law. He indirectly reiterated his commitment to implement these policy measures in the agriculture sector. Since then, the remarks of the ministers and the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) leaders also suggest that the government has only temporarily paused the implementation of farm laws in the agriculture sector, and that another attack is around the corner. It would come either under a new law, or as an executive order in the form of a policy, because the government has not changed its plan. After all, the economic crisis affecting these imperialist multinational corporations, which would benefit by the farm laws, cannot be averted without plundering into these new areas. Their next target is the domination of the agricultural sector. Therefore, the Modi government, which is deeply loyal to these imperialists as well as to the domestic corporate brokers, is not going to change its policy. It is out of loyalty to corporations that the government stayed adamant on the laws for almost a year and a half. The state further resorted to all sorts of manoeuvres to decimate the movement – from defamation of the struggle to plots to crush it. After trying all sorts of conspiracies and oppressive measures, when the U.P. elections were on the horizon and farmers' anger spread across the country, the government had no choice but to retreat. The style of retreating was also Modi-branded: making a sudden one-sided announcement, Modi yet again tried to show off his domineering appearance.
The achievements of this historic farmer’s movement are far greater than the mere repeal of laws. This struggle was fought and won in a climate where the Modi government, under the guise of the Covid crisis, was swiftly inflicting the pains of economic reform on the masses. Taking advantage of the sanctions imposed by the crisis, large-scale economic crackdowns were being imposed on the people. Even before the Covid crisis, since its return to power in 2019, the Modi government and its communal fascist mobilization had been actively crushing the people’s will and voices, through issues like the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya or the scrapping of Article 370 in Kashmir. Protests against the Citizenship Amendment Act (Bill) were also suppressed under the guise of the Covid crisis. The farmers’ protest, which emerged in a climate of communal fascist mobilization and state repression in the country, thus became the heart of protest for the democratic and just constituencies of the country beyond farmers. Having such an effective resistance against the Modi government, one that was so widespread and so resolute, was in itself a long-awaited phenomenon. This protest has instilled the possibility of effective resistance against the communal fascist onslaught of the Modi government in the minds of the country’s masses.
It was a large-scale mass mobilization across classes, in the face of which, the Modi government’s communal and paranoid fascism failed. His divide and rule policies failed terribly. The mobilization of people across classes and languages, united the farming communities in different parts of the country. The ruling class of opportunistic politicians has always tried to pit the farmers of Punjab and Haryana against each other on issues of river water or the division of territories. They attempted to pit Punjabi farmers against the farmers of other states with slogans like ‘Dhoti Topi Yamuna Paar’ (Non-Sikh appearing people belong beyond river Jamuna). But in spite of being masters of divisive tactics, the BJP did not succeed because the farmers could foresee the potential of imperialist and local corporate invasion of their fields. This great danger united the farming communities and made the nation’s farmers' organizations respond in a timely manner. The agitations waged in Punjab against similar attacks on farming, during the last two and a half decades, were the background of such effective resistance.
“The movement established the fact that only class struggle and class unity can defeat the communalism of the Modi government.”
This vigorous resistance by the farmers has given new encouragement and impetus to all the working sections of the society who are fighting against the onslaught of economic reforms in the country. The alliance between the Modi government and the corporations has become even more lucid. The animosity between people and corporations is now clearly evident in the political landscape of the nation, now that the news of corporate looting schemes has reached the masses. Thus, the farmers’ movement played a crucial role in raising awareness of rights among the masses as well as in creating an atmosphere of protest. The movement established the fact that only class struggle and class unity can defeat the communalism of the Modi government. Furthermore, it has also shown that this communal fascist onslaught cannot be confronted in the parliament or assemblies but only through class unity. The government’s attacks, in the form of economic reforms and communalism against minorities, should be taken as a concerted effort, and should also be resisted in a concerted manner.
During these protests, the movement’s strategy to advance the class unity of the people at the national level proved to be effective. One of these policies was to keep the movement secular. Effective resistance movements of working people can only emerge by overcoming religious, territorial, and all other kinds of divisions. Defeating these divisions was the foremost aim of the movement. In particular, the forces seeking to resolve their narrow political and communal objectives by giving a special religious colour to the movement were ousted to protect the secular character of the struggle. The importance of this approach for building effective class unity in our diverse society has become even more apparent. At the same time, in order to keep the farmers struggle free from the intrusion of ruling class political forces, the policy of keeping political parties at bay from the platforms of the farmers’ protest, also proved to be very effective. During major and minor agitations in Punjab over the past decades, this approach has been crucial in broadening the unity of the movements and protecting the spirit of the protests from being sacrificed to the interests of the ruling classes. In this respect, Punjab led the way of this farmers’ movement. This is because this strategy is a long history in Punjab which has successfully kept opportunistic political parties away from the struggle, while also bringing together different political leanings.
Activists from various organizations celebrating after Narendar Modi announced that his government would withdraw the controversial farm laws after a year of protests. Image: Mahesh Kumar A. via Access Wdun
In terms of the nature of protest, this agitation has also set new norms by making corporate businesses face public outrage. The siege of toll plazas and corporate businesses in Punjab in October 2020 not only served to keep the focus on corporations, but also directly fuelled the protest by inflicting financial losses on the corporations. The siege of toll plazas, which emerged in reaction to corporate loot, spread beyond Haryana to UP, becoming a popular form of public outrage. The Delhi Morchas continued to be the medium of transmission of the message of dissent across the country and abroad. Thus, the year-round sit-in protests of the country's farmers on the borders of the country's capital became a significant historical action on their own. The mass mobilization in other states, the stagnation of political activities of the BJP leaders, and the targeting of corporations also played a significant role. In Haryana, during the protests against BJP leaders, skirmishes continued. Even though the police showed its brutality with batons and guns, the farmer’s fighting spirit could not be subdued. The fighting spirit first appeared in Punjab after protesters broke and crossed the barricades to reach Delhi and stayed put until the end of the movement. The government, which had been pursuing plans to forcibly crush the Delhi fortification through conspiracies, could not deter the determined farmers. The protests could not have been broken by ordinary brutality, and committing a massacre would have gone against the government’s political interests. They could not have dared to commit such cruelty against such a popular movement. Although the cycle of conspiracies commenced with the Red Fort incident on January 26, 2021, it continued until the very end of the protests. But even with all the conspiracies and brutality, the government did not succeed in its plans to disperse the movement.
Thousands of women gather at the Haryana-Delhi border in a show of strength for the International Women’s Day (2022). Image: Gulf Today
Furthermore, the widespread participation of women emerged as a very lively and unique aspect of this protest. Out of the farmers’ movements of the past decades, this time the participation of women was a special phenomenon. Women's mobilizations in Punjab, over the last several years, led towards success. What stood out was that the women from Haryana came out from their veils, went on stages, and shouted slogans. The implications of this engagement are far-reaching, not only for its immediate impact but also for its solid foundation for similar peoples’ movements for social change. The coordinated protest actions taken along with industrial workers during the movement further highlighted the need for unity between farmers and workers. However, unlike farm laws, the same unity could not be attained on the issue of the Labour Code. Similarly, the farm labour units could not be made a part of the protest even though serious efforts were made in Punjab as well as in some other states to mobilize farm labourers. But these efforts did not meet the needs. This limitation in success is linked to the feebleness of the farm labour movement, which is a major factor in the problem.
During the protest, the issue of privatization of public sector undertakings in the country was raised, actions were taken against the rise in oil prices, and a demand was raised to bring the oil companies under government. These actions received responses from across the country. The response reflected how eagerly the people of the country were waiting for the emergence of a party which truly represents them. The peasant masses united under the banner of the Sanyukt Morcha (United Front) and were able to attract people of the nation in the form of such a force.
This movement has also brought to the fore the wave of economic reforms, informed by imperialist interests, in the field of agriculture. Furthermore, awareness about rights of farmers on issues like that of the Minimum Support Price (MSP) has also increased considerably. The links between government procurement on MSP and the structure of the public distribution system, with the instructions of the World Trade Organization (WTO), came under notice of the people. The protest also created new alignments within the Farmers’ Movement – the divisions between the ones for and the ones against the WTO intensified. The issue of exit from the WTO was also raised by sections of the leadership who were under the influence of ruling class politics or concerned only with the interests of the well-off farmers. The demands of government procurement and the public distribution system on MSP are directly linked to the directives of the World Trade Organization. Therefore, this agitation provided a further basis for exposing the link between the demands of farmers and these policies. During the protests, farmers witnessed that international financial institutions are sponsoring the Modi government. As iterated earlier, along with farm laws, the mobilization for exiting the WTO increased and was established as one of the protests’ demands.
“The struggle for the abolition of imperialist and feudal plunder needs to be carried forward along the lines of revolutionary struggle. ”
This Farmers' Movement has had an impact at the national level, and has left a deep impression on our state [of Punjab] in particular. The movement that began in Punjab found sympathy amongst the farming community all over, as well as amongst the working classes of the society on all levels. In Punjab, the scope of this struggle was not just limited to the laws, but extended to the years of turmoil and uncertainty faced by the Punjabi community. The struggle became a soothing respite for all Punjabis. This movement revived many healthy traditions of Punjabi society and succeeded in breaking the stagnation of many years. The spirit of class unity and struggle is on the rise. Awareness of rights, in general, is spreading and encouraged, as is the tendency to struggle for rights. This agitation has at least for now dispelled the shadows of despair in the hearts of the protesting people, and given new life to the [longer] struggle. For almost a year and a half, the Punjabi society’s deep involvement in this movement resulted in widespread public discussions on strategies of struggle, government policies, relations with [political] parties, and many other such things. People were made aware and educated on these issues. The alternative of reaching out to people through organizations came to fruition partially. The agricultural model, and the overall development model, have become matters of debate and discussion among different sections of the movement. In particular, the state’s development model, based on corporate capital, has been severely damaged and the desire for an alternative pro-people development model has come to the fore. The effects of this protest are profound for other mass struggles in Punjab. It is very important for the Farmers’ Movement to conserve and mobilize the energy which has been gained from this movement for further struggles. Along with this unity, we need more consciousness raising, especially for a lasting solution to the agrarian crisis. The struggle for the abolition of imperialist and feudal plunder needs to be carried forward along the lines of revolutionary struggle. The energy and peasant’s awareness gathered during this movement has to be maintained, carried forward and put on a firm base for successive movements. This will be a challenging task in itself. Revolutionary leaders must commit themselves to achieve it.
Dalit organizations actively participated in the protests, stressing the point that landless peasants were also affected by the laws. Image: The Wire
This internationally acclaimed struggle has become an integral part of the larger anti-imperialist people's movements in Third World countries. It has also sparked an international outcry over the looting of agriculture by corporate thugs. Discussions on the negative effects of corporate-led farming model have gained momentum in developing countries of the Third World. Today, when the imperial world is busy sucking up the sources, resources, and labour of developing countries through the onslaught of neoliberal policies, the struggle for the rights of the working people in these countries is gaining momentum day by day. These struggles are going on at different levels. One of the strongest emerging trends is that the will of the people is being expressed on and taking to the streets, rather than in the parliaments of these countries. In Latin American countries, caravans of people have been taking to the streets against neoliberal policy measures, defying orders of the governments and parliaments of their countries. At times, governments have fallen. Expressing the rights of the farmers of our country, this Farmers Movement was part of the same phenomenon, where the masses forced the Indian Parliament to change laws by fighting on the streets. Thus, this protest has turned out to be a spectacular manifestation of the democratic rights movement of the working people under a tyrannical regime. The people have seen and experienced how the so-called ‘representatives’ sitting in the Parliament speak for both local and foreign corporations, rather than the interests of the people. They have also seen that that organized agitations by people can make these ‘representatives’ take U-turns on their own laws. People have taken note of the fact that these parliaments or assemblies do not represent public will. The real will of the people is realised through struggles.
The greatest achievement of this movement is the national unity of farmers, which needs to be further strengthened. Overall, it can be said that this movement is a milestone in the struggle of the country’s people against the onslaught of imperialist economic reforms, the lessons from which need to be learned and the achievements need to be taken forward.
Pavel Kussa is the editor of Surkh Leeh. He is a coordinator of the Bharatiya Kissan Union (Ekta Ugrahan). He has been convenor of the Naujawan Bharat Sabha.
Dr Anju Bala is the Head of the Fine Arts department and a teacher at Guru Gobind Singh College for Women, Chandigarh.